Black Radical Tradition: Major Takeaways

To place a field of scholarship as broad as the Black Radical Tradition within a certain category of philosophy is, in my opinion, a major simplification. Weve observed how it deeply penetrates, or in some cases forms the very foundation, of not just politics and literature but also black art, music, sports and religion. It shapes perception of the self and the other at a communal level.

One of the main things one can draw from this tradition is the sense of the collective. All of the personalities we discussed appealed to the factor that unified all Africans irrespective of locality, class or age i.e the color of their skin. By doing so there is a sense of uniformity that is created regarding the decolonial experience, arts, expression, perspective and most importantly, the obstacles they face in a white dominated world. The tradition establishes that the grievances of the black community in America, England or any black diaspora is the grievance felt across Africa as a whole and vice versa. Joy is shared and celebrated in a similar manner.

The Black Radical Tradition is a movement for global emancipation. It is grounded upon the ability of “speaking truth to power” by going beyond one’s own national boundaries. In doing so it attempts to undertake the extremely arduous task of naming the oppression. For the tradition, it is not important to be specific to time and place, in fact there is a sense of timelessness throughout, however what’s common is the history of dehumanization and slavery. It forms the basis of the tradition. The tradition stresses upon the institutionalization of racism (which draws from the days of slavery) as having penetrated all spheres of society including sports (e.g: we learned that through Ali, Clive Lloyd). In return the tradition has repeatedly attempted to go beyond the realm of reality and engage in surrealist literature through the likes of Cesaire etc. In doing so the tradition can attach its own meaning to the world it lives in and go beyond what Christina Sharpe calls living “in the no’s”.

There is also constant hearkening back to a glorified past in the tradition. Marcus Garvey went as far as to start a shipping service to Africa, to return back to the original “property of Africans”. African personalities that were part of the Radical Tradition e.g: Nkrumah have constantly referred to a past where communal societies of Africans existed in harmony. It is not surprising that a major chunk of the Black Radical scholarship aligns with Marxist thinking e.g: Fanon.

Lastly, one of the major takeaways would be the unfortunate absence of Black women from this tradition. Bell Hooks talks about how “womanhood” was not seen as an important part of black identity. While the tradition constantly debated over assimilation or segregation, violence or non violence, it neglected sexism and emancipation of women in the process.

In conclusion, while the tradition has been thoroughly romanticized on the surface level and has played a central role in the movement towards an egalitarian society, it is important to think of the Black prophets as sinners, not saints. Only then can one objectively engage with their unmatched contributions to this movement against oppression.

“We do not live single-issue lives” – Intersectionality

While researching on Intersectionality, I came across a quote from Audre Lorde’s address “Learning from the 60s” where she vehemently suggested that “there is no thing as a single-issue struggle because we do not live single-issue lives.” This quote, I believe, is the living representation of what Kimberlé Crenshaw tries to highlight in light of the inconsistency of feminism to represent the hegemonized black woman. In retrospect, if there is one structural error that can be defined as the epitome of inconsistency in liberation movements such as feminism, it is the mere fact that they attain a rather polarized or blind-sided view of discrimination – disregarding the interconnectedness of all its various forms.

The forms of discrimination that have existed thus far have stemmed from an apparent dominant power structure: the ‘white supremacist capitalist patriarchy.’ (Hooks) Hence, it is important to understand that the existing dynamics of structural power cannot be rectified by treating each form of discrimination rather independently. In other words, selectivism or treating one form of oppression as bigger than the other only suffices the misfortunes of some and exponentiates the ignorance of others – those who fall under multiple marginalized categories.

Intersectionality penetrates the layers of discrimination that combine to form a ‘matrix of domination’ by the privileged identities. This can be best explained under the ambit of intersectional feminist theory as explained by Hooks. She reiterates on the fact that sharing a single umbrella identity of being a ‘woman’ is a rather broad form of generalization. Hence, it isn’t sufficient enough to explain the multitudes of realities a woman has to experience – which is determined by the co-existing identities she attains as the multiple ‘layers’ that will continue to define the form of discrimination she will face as a part of her existence.

In other words, the living example of a sector intersectional politics provides representation to is ‘the black womanhood’. It highlights the bitter fact that social inequality and the redistribution of structural power exists even within the liberation movements – where there are a dominant few and the subjugated others. It attempts to rectify the error that tends to propagate the rejection of a binary presence of a woman: that an individual can be a woman and a person of colour. That the ultimate form of liberation should not be a utopian idea but a foreseeable reality for the black woman where she liberates herself from the chains of both her sex and her colour. Intersectionality highlights her misery in the sense that, if otherwise, she remains uncategorised – the worst form of identification that comes about as a result of the combination of subjugation towards her multiple existing identities.

Hence, intersectional politics, in all means, is productive. It is productive because it creates the basic understanding of how dominant categorizations such as class or race, independently or in combination, interact with gender to promote a strain of marginalization that, at the very least, requires recognition and subsequent rectification.

Holiday’s “Strange Fruit”

Based on Abel Meeropol’s poem, “Strange Fruit” is a song about the lynching and killing of black people. Billie Holiday’s rendition of the song was the first one and thus has a significant place in the history of redemption songs. The song is raw and yet subtle. It addresses the violence caused by racism but also creates a pastoral backdrop. This contrast emphasizes on the point being made. The song does not call out white people directly. It also does not openly ask for black people to rise to action. Instead, it creates a quieter and more internal response. This song can be seen as an embodiment of Toni Morrison and Aime Cesaire’s notions of using language and poetry and tool for liberation, and Martin Luther King’s idea of nonviolence.

The first argument presented here is simple; poetry and music are tools of liberation. Morrison recognizes the absence of black representation in literature. She illustrates how language is political and aids the agendas of those who possess it. “Strange Fruit,” written in the English language, not only represents but empowers the black person. The oppressor’s language is molded to aid the oppressed and that too in a moment when even black people were trying to produce content for the consumption of white people. Holiday’s version of the song came out in 1935 and it was the first song of its kind among the uncle-Toms of the black music industry. It presented a history and an account of the present. Without overtly calling for a revolution, it does the required job of informing the people and stirring emotion. In accord with like Cesaire’s ideas about poetry being weaponized, Holiday’s song on Meeropol’s poem aims to bring the very real problems of a people into an arena which was considered entertainment only. Such kind of inclusivity reflected on support, shared fear, and the need to break the silence. In a way, this song acts as one of the first steps to the civil rights movement.

This song also embodies the nonviolence Martin Luther King talks about. An analysis of the lyrics shows that. The song opens with a pastoral image of “trees” but sets a dark tone from the beginning as these trees are stated to “bear strange fruit.” The purpose of the pastoral image seems to be to highlight the unnatural acts taking place in a natural setting. There is “blood” everywhere as “black bodies” swing and the “smell of burning flesh” is carried through the “southern breeze.” The juxtaposition of images of trees and wind with blood and death creates an uneasy feeling which continues to exist as the song goes back and forth between a tranquil scene and bloodshed. It calls to the sense of smell and sight as the “scent of magnolias” is interrupted by the “smell of burning flesh.” The song ends with references to fruit, rain, and sun, creating an image of ripeness and fullness. Yet, the crop is “bitter.” This could be seen as the white man’s apparent progression in contrast with his ugly racism.

The song on its own is not making a direct claim. It’s descriptive but it does not define the oppressor, only the oppressed. It simply reports on the events taking place and suggests that they are unnatural. The tone is not accusatory. In fact, the pastoral imagery and Holiday’s calm voice contrast with the violence. It also does not seem to be asking to cause a revolution based on violence like the one Malcolm X or Fanon seems to advocate for. The song merely causes contemplation. It yearns for peace. It is a cry for help, and a plea to put an end to all violence. In this way, it reminds one of MLK’s faith in nonviolence. The objective is to redeem what is lost and what is left behind. Thus, violence in retaliation does not the serve the purpose.

Holiday’s song reflects on the power of language and the need for representation. It also shows how a silent and nonthreatening plea can also help bring one closer to liberation. The personal kind of response that this song creates embodies nonviolence and creates new possibilities. If blood is not shed, and if the white men sow seeds of equality and coexistence, a new fruit will be born. It is the possibility of a sweeter fruit that Holiday is showing and that MLK, too, was chasing.

Been Hurt, Been Down Before

“The law is meant to be my servant and not my master, still less my torturer and my murderer. To respect the law, in the context in which the American Negro finds himself, is simply to surrender his self-respect.” – James Baldwin

James Baldwin’s article “A Report from Occupied Territory” and Kendrick Lamar’s album To Pimp a Butterfly are separated by 49 years, yet their messages have evidently disconcerting similarities concerning racial inequality and institutional discrimination experienced by African Americans. In his song Alright, Kendrick is able to align a very personal journey with the broader struggles of the Black experience.

According to Baldwin, the police is designed to “keep the Negro is his place” as exemplified by the case of The Harlem Six. Institutionalized racism continues to severely impact the lives of African Americans. In Baldwin’s time of writing, it reflected the fears and anxieties of white Americans surrounding the African American existence. Due to stereotyping, the Black identity has been made synonymous with crime and violence. This unjust interpretation has pervaded institutions through discourse, the effects of which remain prevalent. Both Baldwin and Kendrick try to reveal the nature of the atrocities committed against their community by virtue of the color of their skin. Despite the passage of time, police brutality and wrongful incarceration remain highly pertinent issues which oppress the Black community.

Wouldn’t you know

We been hurt, been down before

Nigga, when our pride was low

Lookin’ at the world like, “Where do we go?”

Nigga, and we hate po-po

Wanna kill us dead in the street fo sho’

Nigga, I’m at the preacher’s door

My knees gettin’ weak, and my gun might blow

But we gon’ be alright

In the pre-hook of his song Alright, Kendrick achieves universality in his message by choosing to keep the source of the “hurt” ambiguous. These words are sentiments, applicable to any hardship faced by African Americans throughout history and also in the contemporary era. Like Baldwin, he then proceeds to vocalize his frustration with the justice system that disproportionately targets African Americans. When referencing the “preacher’s door,” Kendrick implies that he seeks to counsel of God to set him on the right path in midst of the hardships he faces.

Alright can be interpreted as an extension of Baldwin’s words, as Kendrick himself preaches a message of strength and endurance against racism that is deeply entrenched in American society. Through the pre-hook and chorus, he finds strength and shows solidarity with the Black community, realizing that his personal struggles are not unlike the history of African Americans. Kendrick has remembered that fight is inherent in the Black experience, that progress has and will continue to be made due to the fortitude, strength, and perseverance of his people.

Through God, Kendrick believes there is no adversity too difficult to navigate. He recognizes that the problems faced by him and his community are a shared struggle. He goes on to preach a message of union and displays faith in God’s plan. Like any great anthem, Alright’s chorus is brief, catchy, and extremely versatile. The inflection with which it is performed is infectious—it can be repeated infinitely without tiring. In fact, its message only gets stronger the more it is heard.

Outside the album’s narrative, Alright has been adopted as the unofficial anthem of the Black Lives Matter movement. Beginning in 2012 when an unarmed Black teen Trayvon Martin was killed, the hashtag Black Lives Matter emerged on social media outlets. It became a digital platform where dialogue, frustration, and debate could be expressed around issues of racial profiling and racial inequality in the United States. The phrase would come to represent a national movement whose pursuit was and continues to be racial justice and social awareness. The movement intensified as more and more unarmed Black men and women continued to lose their lives at the hands of the police.

The song’s message of hope through resilience struck a chord with the supporters of the movement, and the chorus has been heard chanted at protests and rallies across the United States. Institutionalized racism continues to be a problem which marginalizes African Americans. The struggle to redefine the African American identity is still ongoing. In a way, Kendrick echoes the words of Baldwin through his poetic expression which has become a chant of hope, solidarity, and defiance. Alright radiates an optimism that showcases the resilience of the Black spirit against racism.

Beyoncé – ‘Formation’ of a Narrative

What makes Beyoncé a queen in her genre and an influential voice for her community is how she uses her music to make powerful social and political comments. Take for example, the internet-breaking video for her song Formation. While the song itself serves as a celebration of black culture and roots, the video is a visual masterpiece in its depiction of central themes of race, gender and sexuality. Was the fact that it was released just one day after the birthday of Trayvon Martin a symbolic gesture? The inclusion of a young black boy in a hoodie confronted by a wall of SWAT policemen seems to hint at this date as a tribute to Martin.

To unravel the first layer of connotations in this song, the lyrics are a forceful means of reclaiming conventionally insulting aspects of black culture and aesthetics; “My daddy Alabama, momma Louisiana, you mix that negro with that Creole make a Texas bamma”. She unapologetically accepts and celebrates her heritage and the ‘blackness’ of her physical attributes with lyrics such as “I like my negro nose with Jackson Five nostrils”. The presence of black figures in this music video are predominant in areas that were significantly inhabited by the southern masters at the time of the Civil War. Black men and women reclaim these spaces and their presence in the history of this region, dressed in elaborate historical costumes, they sip their tea and swirl their fans in defiance of the conventional roles of slaves that their ancestors were forced to fill.

Gender plays a pivotal role in both the lyrics and the visual representation of the black females surrounding Beyoncé in the music video. The phrase; “Okay, okay, ladies, now let’s get in formation, ’cause I slay”, became rooted in pop culture due to its significance in creating a narrative surrounding the representation of black women. Beyoncé blatantly displays her own power and the privilege she earned through her hard work with provocative lines such as; “When he fucks me good, I take his ass to Red Lobster, ’cause I slay”. She lords over the others as queen of the jungle and is unabashedly proud of her own achievements.

But tackling all these issues isn’t enough for Beyoncé. She also brings to light the plight of the hurricane struck areas in the south that were neglected by the government, showing flooded streets and a sinking police car over which, she belts out her lyrics. The video begins with a forceful voice asking, “what happened at the New Orleans” and through the images in her video, Beyoncé answers that question, juxtaposing flashes of sinking homes and lights from police cars. Graffiti screaming “STOP SHOOTING US” also lights up the screen towards the end of the video.

Beyoncé comes in strong with all imagery exhorting black people to claim their power and take control of spaces that were denied to them in history. This is a visual and vocal anthem that elevates the issues of black representation in the music industry, pushing it from the margins to the forefront with its powerful political and social message.

Violence and Non-Violence

“We will not blame you if your reach exceeds your grasp”— Toni Morrison

The debate on violence and non-violence is essentially a question on what it means to live an ethical life. To Martin Luther King, non-violence is a philosophy of being. It calls for faith in the “amazing potentialities for goodness” in all humans, where the means must justify the ends— indeed, they are the ends. In his speech on “Unfulfilled Dreams”, King preaches a philosophy whereby action and doing can exist merely within the realm of the internal self. If the act of fixing your heart is all you can find it in you to do, it’s enough. Non-violence is a “technique of action” involving intention.

But can the “boat of faith” get you through the storm on its own? After all, what does it really mean to do the right thing in the face of great wrong? First, we need to identify the wrong. For Malcolm X, the African-American problem, or as he would call it the “Negro problem”, is about a continuous investment that has been poured into the American landscape. It is an investment of blood. And if we are to take King’s conception of the means justifying the ends, then it is clear that this investment can only be made good in one way. Earlier in this course we talked about how if decolonization is a story of triumph, it is also a story of cracked skulls, broken bones and disappearances. Malcolm and King are both telling true stories— different, but true.

The stories of violence and non-violence do not need to exist in a binary; Malcolm X does not advocate needless violence in his speech, nor does King proposition passivity. But we must question what violence really is. If it is the intention to do harm, what happens when the underlying intention of a violent act is to reclaim what has been stolen from you? As Malcolm says, “how can you thank a man for giving you back what’s already yours?” An investment of blood has to be repaid in the same. And a belief in the “amazing potentialites of goodness” necessitates a recognition of the potentialities of evil. To me, the difference between non-violence and violence is not in the means through which the end is achieved, but in the site of action.

For Malcolm, there are physical, and therefore external, threats that must be recognized. It is a question of the ballot or the bullet, and this physical response of hitting back is an affirmation of his humanness, an inalienable quality. The struggle between good and evil is happening in front of his very eyes and he cannot turn the other cheek. To King, non-violence is a way of being. It transcends the colour line and manifests itself in the “story of life”. It’s a struggle, but one that happens within the self. He is not advocating a philosophy of turning the other cheek. Evil is real, but its also closer to home than you might think.

In Toni Morrison’s story of the blind woman, the children ask a very relevant question— “Is there no context for our lives?” Both Malcolm and King gave their lives to the struggle to build this context. And while Malcolm’s fiery speeches and luminescent persona reek of courage, there’s a lot to be said for the person, who, standing in the wake of unspeakable wrongs remains steadfast in one simple belief— the belief that, at the end of the day, goodness, and only goodness, will prevail. The philosophies of violence and non-violence discussed above do not exist in a parallel state to each other. They stretch through the constraints of the temporal into a time when Malcolm and King can turn to each other and say:

“Look. How lovely it is, this thing we have done – together.”

Redemption Song

Considered one of his seminal works, Bob Marley’s ‘Redemption Song,’ stands out amongst his other notable creations not just for its deviation from the usual themes of spirituality, love and remembrance that prevail in his earlier and most recognizable works, but also, and more importantly, for the peculiarity of its composition. Interestingly, the song shows no sign of the reggae style that is present in nearly all of his other music. Nor does it feature percussion or any accompaniment; rather, it is a stripped down solo acoustic recording, consisting only of his singing and strumming of an acoustic guitar, largely reminiscent of the sound and style of another Bob: Bob Dylan. Having returned to this song and to his music only now, years after my first listen, this was the first thought that came to my mind. Why did he choose for this song in particular a composition so stripped down and so unlike his usual style? A deeper reading into the song’s words, to which the lack of accompaniment shed an even greater light, may help in answering this question.

Old pirates, yes, they rob I
Sold I to the merchant ships
Minutes after they took I
From the bottomless pit

The opening lyrics to the song, depicted above, are unmistakable in their reference to the abduction of African people into slavery. Robbed of their culture, sovereignty and their families, they were taken from the ‘bottomless pit’- referring to Africa in its entirety and to its abundance of peoples, cultures and resources. He goes on:

Bob Marley in 1980

But my hand was made strong
By the hand of the Almighty
We forward in this generation
Triumphantly

Marley’s references to God are numerous and scattered throughout his music, but here he makes mention of ‘the Almighty’ to assert the new-found pride and strength that the Black spirit has gained, and is in the process of achieving. It is a line alluding to Black power, endurance and pride, and the progressive strides that they have made in recent times as a result of their own efforts and demonstrations- the end of slavery, and the civil rights movement-, with their final goal being total freedom from subjugation. Then comes the chorus:

Won’t you help to sing
These songs of freedom?
Cause all I ever have
Redemption songs
Redemption songs

When he talks of these ‘songs of freedom’, Marley is essentially asking the listener to join his cause; that is, the fight against racism, mental slavery and subjugation, with his goal being the emancipation and redemption of the Black race, and by extension, the emancipation of all those who have been subject to oppression or subjugation of any kind. The ‘songs of freedom,’ I believe, are a reference to this cause- the cause is all ‘I’ (or rather, ‘we’) have. Then come the most eminent lines of the song:

Emancipate yourselves from mental slavery
None but ourselves can free our minds!

These lines were, in fact, derived from a speech delivered by Marcus Garvey in Sydney, Nova Scotia in 1937 titled ‘The Work That Has Been Done.’ The exact line from the speech is as follows:


“We are going to emancipate ourselves from mental slavery because whilst others might free the body, none but ourselves can free the mind.” -Marcus Garvey

“We are going to emancipate ourselves from mental slavery because whilst others might free the body, none but ourselves can free the mind.”

To understand better what Marley means when he talks about redemption and this concept of mental slavery, one can refer back to the same 1937 speech, from which the following lines (albeit, re-ordered) have been taken:

“God has given you intelligence to take care of you… When God made you He made you the masters of the world, not serfs and slaves, but your mind must be developed intelligently… We are looking for the redemption and the freedom of our homeland.”
“The white man is still doing research work with his mind. It has taken him to the bowels of the earth to extract what nature placed there for him. On that same intelligence he has gone into Heaven.”

In the same way that Garvey sees the potential in the Black race for achieving everything that the white race has, Marley is urging the listener to realize that emancipation is within reach, and can come about through the consciousness of one’s self and one’s circumstance. Mental slavery, according to Marley, is the real obstacle that stands in the way of progress; the fundamental slavery from which one must free oneself.

How long shall they kill our prophets
While we stand aside and look?

The prophets being alluded to in this line are the black prophets involved in the struggle against oppression. Malcolm X and Martin Luther King are two notable examples, both of which who were singled out by the establishment and martyred by assassins, because of the threat they posed to unjust institutionalized power. Marley urges those who are listening to not let their sacrifices go in vain- that we should take up their struggle as our own, rather than passively stand by. Some readings of this line even consider Jesus to be one of the prophets that Marley is referring to.

Yes, some say it’s just a part of it
We’ve got to fulfill the book

I interpreted this line as the acceptance of, and internalization of oppression that some oppressed groups tend to give in to, believing in a divine master plan and a ‘promised’ redemption in the afterlife. It could also be referring to those who remain passive in their own oppression, delaying action until they receive a sign from some divine origin.

The song then goes back into the chorus once more, before ending on the words:

All I ever have
Redemption songs
These songs of freedom
Songs of freedom

The song has since been esteemed as ‘one of the songs that changed the world,’ and over 30 renditions of this song have been recorded since its release in 1980. It’s message of freedom, protest and positive change ring true and relevant to this day, exemplified by its prevalence in, and association with contemporary social movements and campaigns.

“I carried Bob Marley’s Redemption Song to every meeting I had with a politician, prime minister, or president. It was for me a prophetic utterance or as Bob would say ‘the small ax that could fell the big tree.’ The song reminded me that freedom always comes with a cost, but for those who would prepare to pay it, maybe ‘emancipation from mental slavery’ would be our reward.”

While writing this, I realized which Bob Dylan song I was reminded of upon hearing Marley’s Redemption Song. It was The Times They Are A-Changin’. Interestingly enough, both songs are about the progressive nature of time and a changing socio-political environment. Released against the backdrop of the Civil Rights movement, Dylan’s song refers consistently to the changing nature of race relations, and the positive change that a new generation is taking upon itself to bring about- the same way that Marley sings about moving forward (triumphantly) in this generation. As hypnotic and sombre as Dylan’s music tends to be, this particular song is hopeful in its allusion to the inevitability of positive change; for Marley, this change is manifest as emancipation and redemption. Both Dylan and Marley, one could say, are prophets of the same message.

MLK, Rigoberto and the Question of Violence

“My mother died in terrible agony. When my mother died, the soldiers stood over her and urinated in her mouth; even after she was dead!” – Rigoberto Menchu

I was first introduced to the realities of coloured folks through Rigoberto. She was my guide who led me into the lives of the colonized people, who have been long oppressed by the colonizers. These people were individuals like us who had a family with whom they could share their happiness and sorrows. The colonizers stripped her people off of any fragment of joy and hope they could latch onto. She wasn’t asking much. Her demand was simple: to be given her due rights.  And as simple as this request was, it was very easily dismissed entirely and brutally.

It is this brutal dismissal of rights that have always called the individuals to rise up against the justices. When the pain inflicted becomes unbearable, those with the prophetic gaze extend their hand to take the victims out of their oppressed lives. Martin Luther King was also doing just that.

He understood the grievances of his people. He witnessed his black folk suffer at the hands of the white man. He knew what it feels “when you see vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and brothers at whim; when you see hate filled policemen curse, kick brutalize and even kill your black brothers and sister with impunity.” And he was equally aware “that this community (of white men) has consistently refused to negotiate.

And yet, I still wonder how can MLK answer to this suffering be non-violence alone. Yes, the starting point should always be non-violence but history is a testament how the white has multiple times failed to pay heed to peaceful protests.

In a non-violent campaign, according to MLK, there are four steps namely “collection of the facts to determine whether injustices are alive, negotiation, self-purification, and direct action. “  For any successful campaign towards having your voice heard, I believe there is another step to MLK’s prescription and that is of violence.

I can not help but bring in Frantz Fanon who believed that the colonial rule is the, “is the bringer of violence into the home and into the mind of the native. Fanon did acknowledge that an individual is not inherently driven by it. It is not his intrinsic quality and that there are stages to it. However, a stage comes when violence becomes an essential condition. There is no choice but to speak the language of violence.

Dismissing violence, MLK believes that there are “amazing potentialities for goodness” in human nature. And  we must deal peacefully to reach the opponent’s heart. But what good can be done to a heart that has hardened to the point that it refuses to acknowledge another person as human and grant his due rights. There may be potentialities for goodness, but it is useless if the enemies are not receptive to this goodness.

MLK is aware of this brutal reality. But perhaps this reality has not touched him the way it touched and affected people like Rigoberto. Her mother was raped multiple times. Her face was disfigured, cut and infected with worms. She was left to die under open air. Her brother was burnt alive. Her family’s body became the site for the display of the colonizers agony. Sure, the time in which MLK has lived is not colonized the way Rigoberto and Fanon’s world was. But, for me at least, their worlds might have changed but the reality has not changed. The black folks were suffering. And they are still suffering. They have a history that has scarred their lives deeply. And even though it may appear that their enemies will not burn them alive, but the potentiality is still there. Just like there is potentiality for goodness, there is possibility of evil too. The trauma is still there. And it is primarily because of this trauma, that I believe that we must not completely disregard violence. It should certainly be the last stage of any campaign. But it should be part of the campaign. I wonder if MLK would have the courage to look Rigoberto in the eye and tell her that non violence alone was the solution all this time.

Strange Fruit and Language

Nina Simone’s rendition of “Strange Fruit” is a memorably dramatic one. It is a rendition where strong and tactile poetry meets a raw, sharp and an almost unforgiving or callous voice. A voice determined to drive home the image of a tortured, dead black body, blood and the serene and beautiful landscape behind it. Simone called the song “ugly” and it is- in the pain that it makes a listener relive and in the beauty of its ability to become immortal, to latch itself onto the world. Abel Meeropol’s poetry becomes language that is truly alive, that leaves no room for lies, that which shows all reality- whether real or imagined. As Toni Morrison showed us, this poetic language becomes “the measure of our lives”, that which really and truly is.

Here one can see language as not just a “system” or a source of “agency” but as a living, breathing phenomenon as Morrison describes. It has a heart, an inside that protects human potential, the place where the meaning of humanity lives. And thus, like all other living things, language too can die. Language too can be tortured, mistreated, ignored, mutilated, caged, killed, protected, loved or made to live on. Language gives humans the “access” to what is left of “human instincts”, and because it has a heart that houses that instinct, language itself is a human instinct. Language itself is the beating or dead heart, the inside. That is why oppressive language “is oppressive”. This is a place where words cease to be a reflection of human thoughts and feelings but become them, with the living, throbbing capacity to create and destroy, to live and die. With a life of its own, language, in all capacities, does not only create its own path but is one. It does not only create a human but becomes one. A Narrative, therefore, creates us the “moment it is being created”.

This is why it is naturally inclined to let its words move towards the place in the human heart to which they really are meant to go to. It “arcs towards the place where meaning may lie.” Somewhere along that movement, that journey is often intercepted- language is made incapable of completing that journey. But Morrison shows us that this does not change the reality of language’s endeavor- to “surge towards knowledge, not destruction.” One may understand poetic language to make the same endeavors, to live in the hope and struggle to say what has to be said in just the way it has to be said. The essence of its life lies in its attempt to “limn the actual, imagined and possible”- all as equally real and meaningful narratives.

The lyrics of “Strange Fruit” encapsulate this reality of the real, the imagined and the possible. It begins by playing with “strange fruit” and “black body”, jolting one into experiencing how language can interweave reality and imagination, emphasizing the sheer truth of both. The imagery is vivid and meant to disturb- meant to make one hear the resonating silence of a breezy afternoon, the blood, and the breeze.  It is meant to make one experience both- the calmness, the silent pastoral landscape, the rhythmic swinging and breeze and the central presence of death, injustice, torture and pain. The sense of tranquility and the notion of human undoing rest within each other. The magnolia is only sensed if one senses the “burning flesh”. The black, hanging bodies, or the “crop”, create the rhythmic swinging. The breeze delivers the smell of blood smeared on the leaves and the roots of trees. The tranquility and the brokenness are inseparable. It is here that language fuses the real and the imagined together. We, inhumane humans, who enjoy the breeze and the blood together. It is all real.

A photograph of the lynching of two African-American men inspired these words. Yet the poetry recreates not just the painfully normalized phenomenon of lynching, but also the heart of that pain. It no longer matters whether a photograph or a real sight inspires it, or whether bodies or fruits hung from the southern trees. What matters is the inescapable, the piercingly real reality of the pain and the peace. In essence, if language dies, if its heart dies, so do we humans because we will no longer say or mean the things we are supposed to say, the things that have a meaning and emanate life. Whether what hung from the trees were just crops or bodies, the poetic language said what it needed to say. It showed its heart, the peace and the pain, the inside- here, the desensitivity. Thus, with a true understanding of the heart comes the power to choose to heal. In essence, Morrison shows the true heart of language and humanity- the power and beauty of being what you may be and still healing. As Morrison’s old, blind woman would have meant- to kill the bird or to let it fly.

Unfulfilled Dreams in Freedom

Listening to all the songs in the playlist, immediately took me back to the speech ‘Unfulfilled Dreams’ by MLK. Every song talks of a struggle, whether it names it or not. The emotions that the songs evoke immediately make one think of the change that they strive towards. From the oldest songs such as ‘Strange Fruit ’and ‘Old man River’ to the point of ‘This is America’ and ‘We are here’ one sees the lasting struggle. Sam Cooke’s ‘A Change is Gonna Come’ walks you through the labour of this struggle. Even towards the end of the songs, even after questioning himself, he talks about how he will still carry on because the change is gonna come. This reminds one of MLK when he says that even throughout the reality that the dream might be left unfulfilled you go on. On the other hand the song ‘Old Man River’ talks about a person’s weariness in this long striving which compares it to the Mississippi river that it seems to continue. It continues till the present.

This is true as the struggle is still relevant, the content of the struggle might change but it is still there as shown by the songs of ‘This is America’ which focuses on gun violence and the reality of being black in the United States. Numerous other songs refer to racial profiling and one can understand the historical importance of black representation in the movies like ‘Black Panther’

This struggle has grown beyond that of the civil rights movement or for what MLK or Malcolm X stood for, this struggle is the one of freedom and peace that is defined by Ella baker in her speech. Ella baker explains how peace is not the absence of struggle but the presence of justice and a struggle for freedom that encompasses the whole mankind and so gives her reason as to why those were not the last stages of the struggle. In ‘We Are Here’ Alicia keys mentions Baghdad and Gaza as well, which shows that this effort for rights is not limited on terms of race or colour or nationality. It’s a horizontal solidarity which exists in Ella Baker’s definition of Freedom.

Hence, each of the songs and the artists take the unfulfilled dreams of the previous generation, build up on it and move forward in creating the ‘temple’ that Martin Luther King Jr. talks about, so that one day the change will come.